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Latin translations of the 12th century were spurred by a major search by European scholars for new learning unavailable in Christian Europe at the time; their search led them to areas of southern Europe, particularly in central Spain and Sicily, which recently had come under Christian rule following their reconquest in the late 11th century. These areas had been under a Muslim rule for considerable time, and still had substantial Arabic-speaking populations to support their search. The combination of Muslim accumulated knowledge, substantial numbers of Arabic-speaking scholars, and the new Christian rulers made these areas intellectually attractive, as well as culturally and politically accessible to Latin scholars.〔see George Sarton: ''A Guide to the History of Science''〕 A typical story is that of Gerard of Cremona (c. 1114–87), who is said to have made his way to Toledo, well after its reconquest by Christians in 1085, because he〔C. Burnett, "Arabic-Latin Translation Program in Toledo", p. 255.〕 While Muslims were busy translating and adding their own ideas to Greek philosophies, the Latin West was still suspicious of pagan ideas. St. Jerome, for example, was hostile to Aristotle, and St. Augustine had little interest in exploring philosophy, only applying logic to theology.〔Laughlin 128-129〕 For centuries, Greek ideas in Europe were all but non-existent. Only a few monasteries had Greek works, and even fewer of them copied these works.〔Laughlin 139〕 There was a brief period of revival, when the Anglo-Saxon monk Alcuin and others reintroduced some Greek ideas during the Carolingian Renaissance.〔Laughlin 141〕 After Charlemagne's death, however, intellectual life again fell into decline.〔Laughlin 143-46〕 Excepting a few persons promoting Boethius, such as Gerbert of Aurillac, philosophical thought was developed little in Europe for about two centuries.〔 By the 12th century, however, scholastic thought was beginning to develop, leading to the rise of universities throughout Europe.〔Laughlin 147-48〕 These universities gathered what little Greek thought had been preserved over the centuries, including Boethius' commentaries on Aristotle. They also served as places of discussion for new ideas coming from new translations from Arabic throughout Europe.〔 By the 12th century, European fear of Islam as a military threat had lessened somewhat. Toledo, in Spain, had fallen from Arab hands in 1085, Sicily in 1091, and Jerusalem in 1099.〔Watt 59-60〕〔Lindberg 58-59〕 These linguistic borderlands proved fertile ground for translators. These areas had been conquered by Arab, Greek and Latin-speaking peoples over the centuries and contained linguistic abilities from all these cultures. The small and unscholarly population of the Crusader Kingdoms contributed very little to the translation efforts, until the Fourth Crusade took most of the Byzantine Empire. Sicily, still largely Greek-speaking was more productive; it had seen rule under Byzantines, Arabs, and Italians, and many were fluent in Greek, Arabic, and Latin. Sicilians, however, were less influenced by Arabs and instead are noted more for their translations directly from Greek to Latin.〔 Spain, on the other hand, was an ideal place for translation from Arabic to Latin because of a combination of rich Latin and Arab cultures living side by side.〔 Unlike the interest in the literature and history of classical antiquity during the Renaissance, 12th century translators sought new scientific, philosophical and, to a lesser extent, religious texts. The latter concern was reflected in a renewed interest in translations of the Greek Church Fathers into Latin, a concern with translating Jewish teachings from Hebrew, an interest in the Qur'an and other Islamic religious texts.〔M.-T. d'Alverny, "Translations and Translators," pp. 426–33〕 In addition, some Arabic literature was also translated into Latin.〔 ==Translators in Italy== Just before the burst of translations in the 12th century, Constantine the African, a Christian from Carthage who studied medicine in Egypt and ultimately became a monk at the monastery of Monte Cassino in Italy, translated medical works from Arabic. Constantine's many translations included Ali ibn Abbas al-Majusi's medical encyclopedia ''The Complete Book of the Medical Art'' (as ''Liber pantegni''),〔Jerome B. Bieber. (Medieval Translation Table 2: Arabic Sources ), Santa Fe Community College.〕 the ancient medicine of Hippocrates and Galen as adapted by Arabic physicians,〔M.-T. d'Alverny, "Translations and Translators," pp. 422–6〕 and the ''Isagoge ad Tegni Galeni''〔 by Hunayn ibn Ishaq (Johannitius) and his nephew Hubaysh ibn al-Hasan.〔D. Campbell, ''Arabian Medicine and Its Influence on the Middle Ages'', p. 4-5.〕 Other medical works he translated include Isaac Israeli ben Solomon's ''Liber febribus, Liber de dietis universalibus et particularibus'' and ''Liber de urinis''; Ishaq ibn Imran's psychological work ''al-Maqala fi al-Malikhukiya'' as ''De melancolia''; and Ibn Al-Jazzar's ''De Gradibus, Viaticum, Liber de stomacho, De elephantiasi, De coitu'' and ''De oblivione''.〔 in 〕 Sicily had been part of the Byzantine Empire until 878, was under Muslim control from 878–1060, and came under Norman control between 1060 and 1090. As a consequence the Norman Kingdom of Sicily maintained a trilingual bureaucracy, which made it an ideal place for translations. Sicily also maintained relations with the Greek East, which allowed for exchange of ideas and manuscripts.〔C. H. Haskins, ''Studies in Mediaeval Science,'' pp 155–7〕 A copy of Ptolemy's ''Almagest'' was brought back to Sicily by Henry Aristippus, as a gift from the Emperor to King William I. Aristippus, himself, translated Plato's ''Meno'' and ''Phaedo'' into Latin, but it was left to an anonymous student at Salerno to travel to Sicily and translate the ''Almagest'', as well as several works by Euclid from Greek to Latin.〔M.-T. d'Alverny, "Translations and Translators," pp. 433–4〕 Although the Sicilians generally translated directly from the Greek, when Greek texts were not available, they would translate from Arabic. Admiral Eugene of Sicily translated Ptolemy's ''Optics'' into Latin, drawing on his knowledge of all three languages in the task.〔M.-T. d'Alverny, "Translations and Translators," p. 435〕 Accursius of Pistoja's translations included the works of Galen and Hunayn ibn Ishaq.〔D. Campbell, ''Arabian Medicine and Its Influence on the Middle Ages'', p. 3.〕 Gerard de Sabloneta translated Avicenna's ''The Canon of Medicine'' and al-Razi's ''Almansor''. Fibonacci presented the first complete European account of the Hindu-Arabic numeral system from Arabic sources in his ''Liber Abaci'' (1202).〔 The ''Aphorismi'' by Masawaiyh (Mesue) was translated by an anonymous translator in late 11th or early 12th century Italy.〔 in 〕 James of Venice, who probably spent some years in Constantinople, translated Aristotle's ''Posterior Analytics'' from Greek into Latin in the mid-12th century,〔L.D. Reynolds and Nigel G. Wilson, ''Scribes and Scholars,'' Oxford, 1974, p. 106.〕 thus making the complete Aristotelian logical corpus, the ''Organon'', available in Latin for the first time. In 13th century Padua, Bonacosa translated Averroes' medical work ''Kitab al-Kulliyyat'' as ''Colliget'',〔 and John of Capua translated the ''Kitab al-Taysir'' by Ibn Zuhr (Avenzoar) as ''Theisir''. In 13th century Sicily, Faraj ben Salem translated Rhazes' ''al-Hawi'' as ''Continens'' as well as Ibn Butlan's ''Tacuinum sanitatis''. Also in 13th century Italy, Simon of Genoa and Abraham Tortuensis translated Abulcasis' ''Al-Tasrif'' as ''Liber servitoris'', Alcoati's ''Congregatio sive liber de oculis'', and the ''Liber de simplicibus medicinis'' by a pseudo-Serapion〔 抄文引用元・出典: フリー百科事典『 ウィキペディア（Wikipedia）』 ■ウィキペディアで「Latin translations of the 12th century」の詳細全文を読む スポンサード リンク
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